History of ROT FRONT

rotfrontThe idea that led to the creation of a Front of anti-imperialist class forces is, of course, not new. The experiences behind the struggles of antifascist people’s Fronts of the 20th century, with Thälmann’s Rot Front in the foreground, are well-known. On the whole, this idea comes from a conclusive deductive call out of the Manifesto of the Communist Party “Workers of the world, unite!” In Russia, during all the years of the war against capitalism, starting at the times of Gorbachev, the question of uniting the left forces always stood on the agenda and was being decided in a variety of ways: Coordination Committees were active, party leaders held meetings, headquarters and diverse alliances were being created. In some cases cooperation functioned, in other cases it did not. Naturally, particularly deep differences were observed on steep political turns. For example, after the fusillade of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation in October 1993, most left organisations (RKRP, RPK, RKP-KPSS, VKP (b), SK and others) positioned themselves for the boycott of the elections upon blood. However, due to the actions of the leadership of KPRF (Communist Party of the Russian Federation) and some other patriotic organisations, the boycott front was breached. They assisted Yeltsin to get the voter turnout to just above 50%, to drag the antipopular Constitution through the so-called referendum. This allowed Yeltsin to wash off the traces of the crime and to declare before the whole world that we have democracy and that everyone participates in the elections ranging from communists to liberals.

Since then, the question of the unity of left-wing forces has become more urgent, since right-wing opportunists, moderate nationalists and further petty bourgeois forces are clustering around KPRF. None of them carry the task of organising the working class for struggle. Yet this task is becoming all the more pressing. The situation in the country and in the world, particularly with the onset of the world economic crisis accompanied by intensified reaction requires the creation of an organized revolutionary working class – a class for itself. Such an organisation can only appear as a result of independent political struggle of the working class. For this reason, the idea of involving the working class in political struggle, the idea of uniting communist ideology with the worker’s movement has become as relevant as never before.

In the years 2003-2007 the authorities have conducted a legislative reform (“Regarding parties”, “Regarding elections”), by means of which the authorities received the possibility to fully regulate the composition of political forces that are eligible to participate in official political life. After the establishment of a draconian membership requirement (at least 50 000 members), which parties were obliged to prove within one year, with the help of the Supreme Court, all inconvenient parties were denied registration. The number of registered parties narrowed down to 7. In 2007, RKRP (Russian Communist Worker’s Party) was denied registration. It was clear that to counter this impudent swaggering policy a necessary step would be the consolidation of genuinely popular oppositional forces, the achievement of unity in struggle in all spheres: economic unity in the enterprises, protest unity in regions and cities, political unity (including through participation in elections).

Due to the fact that the membership quota of an organisation (no less than 50 000), for a chance at participating in elections, remains a requirement, the idea was put forward to bring together all active organisations that have a stance on class positions, that were in the process of being dislodged from big politics. Thus the idea of creating the Russian United Labour Front as a block of class forces was born.

More than a year was spent on the harmonization of positions, the determination of participants’ composition and on the rules of cooperation (the regulations). In February 2010, the First Congress was held. It took practically more than two years to register, the Ministry of Justice denied registration 6 times, it went to court, which, naturally, took the side of the authorities. Once again four congresses were held. The authorities were not the only ones to express their dissatisfaction. The Leninist-opportunists represented by Gennadiy Zyuganov also saw the Front, which was in the process of being created, as their rivals, which led them to declare that it is a “Kremlin project”. Nevertheless, on the seventh attempt in November 2012, the Front was allowed to register as a political party.

During the time spent building the Front, many different petty bourgeois socialist organisations and parties of a barely left orientation, which, yet, were guided by the idea of uniting all opposition forces (going as far as planning a visit to the president) tried to take part in the process. After, they all jumped off the moving train. Conclusively, this lead to a genuine class-conscious working nucleus to stand out from within the Front along with RKRP, RKSM(b), other left organisations and, most importantly, activists of class-oriented labour unions.

In the recent times after 2012 and Putin’s elections, mockery of the electoral law continued. During the times of Medvedev, the visibility of the process of democratization was presented clearly, the membership quota of a party was lowered to 500 members and all parties were permitted to participate in the elections without the signature collection requirement. Then, the authorities started to make corrections to the electoral law, which made these opportunities not achievable (once again the signature collection requirements were introduced and tightened – 200 000 for participation in parliamentary elections, diverse filters and etc.). At the same time, as of 2003, parliamentarians have not forgotten to increase the per-vote subsidy of their parties by 100! The goal of the said measures remained the same: the parties admitted to occupy seats in the parliament by the authorities wanted to safeguard their position and to suppress the possibility of any other rival’s potential participation in elections.

Some of our fellow opposition parties (KR, OKP and others) started registering their organisations as political parties. We wish them lots of success, although we believe that it is at the very least a tactical mistake. The problem is that parties with their own program, regulations and methods of struggle do not really require registration (RKRP is not registered nowadays), whereas to participate in elections, including overcoming the constantly renewed barriers, the forces must be explicitly united. Thus, the relevance of the common Front’s tactics will only grow, and we think that sooner or later our closest allies will understand that, too.

Yet the Front’s main task, as noted above, is the involvement of the broadest masses of working people into the political struggle.

Pressroom CC RKRP-KPSS
Pressroom CC ROT FRONT

 

 

Translated from: http://www.rotfront.su/%d0%b8%d1%81%d1%82%d0%be%d1%80%d0%b8%d1%8f-%d1%80%d0%be%d1%82-%d1%84%d1%80%d0%be%d0%bd%d1%82%d0%b0/

Originally published on 07.05.2014 by the political party ROT FRONT

 

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Sinenkov: VSU’s Leadership Is Reinforcing Diversional Activities on LDNR’s Territory

diversanty ukr

Due to VSU’s (Armed Forces of Ukraine) great losses, a lack of coordination and cooperation between the subdivisions while conducting combat operations, a low level of moral and psychological conditions of VSU’s troops, the Ukrainian military’s leadership made the decision to activate the Special Operation Forces under the leadership of the bloody diversionist, general Lunev, has announced today to journalists the leader of the People’s Militia of the Donetsk People’s Republic (NM DNR), Denis Sinenkov.

“Their main task is to conduct sabotage and intelligence activities on the territory of the Republic focusing on critical infrastructure and the civilian population. In this manner, on the night of 7-8 August, the pumping station, Mayorskaya, which acts as a backup water supply source for settlements in Gorlovka area, was powered down. Also, due to damages caused to the gas pipeline and electrical transmission line, a part of the Petrovsky area of Donetsk city was left without gas and light”, told Sinenkov.

He also added that the so-called ‘specialists’, stepped up their activities even in the areas, where the entry-exit checkpoints are located. Particularly by artificially creating queues at junctions and shooting sniper fire without aiming, the goal being to spread panic among the civilian population, create a tense atmosphere and subsequently blame NM DNR for making provocations at checkpoints. During the past week, DNR border control points, Aleksandrovka and Mayorsk, suffered from this kind of bombardments.

These actions, according to Sinenkov, are facilitating the task of extorting the civilian population at the control checkpoints by VSU servicemen.

 

 

Translated from: http://www.novorosinform.org/news/58752

Originally published on 12.08.2016 by Novorossiya Informacionnoye Agentstvo.

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Russia: Great Fatherland Party (PVO) Removed from Ballot

velikoe otechestvoThe federal list of the Great Fatherland Party (PVO), led by the writer, Nikolay Starikov, has been removed from the upcoming electoral list for the Russian Federal Duma. 14% of signatures in support of PVO have been declared invalid, whereas the permissible spoilage threshold lies at 10%.

United Russia has fully turned into the Ukrainian Party of Regions. The Party of Regions, not basing itself on the interests of the Ukrainian government, but rather on its own desire to hold power, pulled Ukrainian nationalists along with them into government. They thought that, with them in the foreground these small parties will be perceived as respectable patriotic politicians and this will ensure them victory. The result of this politicking is well known. This is the exact scheme that United Russia is realizing. It is pulling along Russian liberals. In order to look like a patriotic and respectable party in the foreground”, commented the leader of the Great Fatherland Party, Nikolay Starikov on the Central Elections’ Committee’s decision.

 

 

Translated from: http://www.novorosinform.org/news/58758

Originally published on 12.08.2016 by Novorossiya Informacionnoye Agentstvo.

 

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Kazakhstan: Workers of an Oilfields Service Company Refused to Come to Work

Hundreds of workers of the oilfields service company Burgılau in Mangistau oblast did not come to work today at the set time, having put forward their demands to the employer. The talks between the workers and the representatives of the firm (employer) amid the presence of local authorities were conducted on raised notes.

janaozen strike

The workers of the oilfields service firm, Burgılau, early on Thursday, July 28, refused to come to work. Hundreds of shift workers that were supposed to work the drilling rigs, assembled next to the Janaozen bus station, from where they are usually picked up by busses and taken to the reserves. The employees of the oilfields company announced that they are protesting against the reduction of working hours and salary levels. According to the statements of those gathered, the employer cites the crisis and the lack of funds, although the plan that dictates the development of the drilling volume is being timely accomplished.

The workers stated that the employers is pursuing and discharging from work the activists, that are acting on behalf of the collective. The workers demanded the dismissal of the general director of the company Burgılau, Ashat Sariyev, who, according to them, is organising the persecution.

“They are reducing our hours. 2200 persons work at the company. In the first semester, 66 persons were fired”, says a man that introduced himself as Akılbek Nurlıbayev, operator’s assistant.

The gathered workers expressed their lack of trust in the company’s workers’ union, demanding that Saduakas Bekkaliyev, who, as they say, the workers elected as their union’s leader, be permitted to work.

Saduakas Bekkaliyev was not among the workers: according to them, he was taken to the police station for interrogation. The workers are saying that the police summons those of their colleagues that are trying to go public with their problems at work. The workers said that they are protesting for the fourth day in a row, yet the employer and the local authorities have been ignoring their problems this whole time up until they received a visit from out-of-city media.

janaozen strike I

The CEO of Burgılau, Ashat Sariyev, having arrived on location, told the medias that the information about persecution at the workplace does not correspond with reality.

“This is all false. There is a labour dispute here. This mass [of workers] is being raised by Bekkaliyev Saduakas”, told Ashat Sariyev to the journalists.

The CEO of Burgılau said, that in order for the new workers’ union leader to start working, it is necessary to comply with the procedures and to organize a plenum with the participation of the delegates of all departments of the company, Burgılau. In response, the workers declared that they recognize the plenum that they held earlier during which Saduakas Bekkaliyev was elected chairman of the union.

The workers were visited by the vice-akim of Janaozen city, İsahan Sagimbayev, accompanied by the vice-chairman of Manigstau Oblast’s Workers’ Unions’ Soviet and by the representative of the Mangistau branch of the Workers’ Union of the Gaz and Petrol Industries of Kazakhstan. The talks between the authorities and the workers were conducted on raised notes. The workers of the oilfields service company accused the local authorities of idleness. The representatives of the authorities called for negotiations in a relaxed atmosphere.

 

Azattık was conducting a live broadcast from the scene:

 

After almost two hours of protesting, Saduakas Bekkaliyev, whom the workers are calling the elected leader of the union, arrived on scene. Arriving after being interrogated by the police, he said that all of the workers’ demands will be formulated in writing and handed over to the company management and to the local akimat. After this, the workers got into the busses and went to their workplace.

Burgılau company provides exploration services and drilling services for hydrocarbon deposits.

 

 

Translated from: http://socialismkz.info/?p=16524

Originally published on 28.07.2016 by socialismkz.info

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Donetsk: The Third Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party of the DNR Took Place

Even though many of the cities and villages of DNR (Donetsk People’s Republic) are constantly under the fire of the ukrofascist artillery and mortars, even though the road into the republic is not safe, fearless delegates and guests arrived to the congress. Altogether around 140 persons. The communist delegation from LNR (Lugansk People’s Republic) arrived headed by the first secretary Igor Gumenyuk.DNR map

KPRF (Communist Party of the Russian Federation) was represented by the secretary of the Moscow city committee, the deputy of the Federal Duma, Vladimir Rodin. The Union of Soviet Officers of the Krasnodar Krai was represented by the leader of the Krai branch, general-lieutenant Anatoliy Topchiy; the German communists – secretary of the Communist Party of FRG, Renate Koppe. Delegates of all city and municipal organisations of the CP DNR gathered together; from Gorlovka, Makeyevka, Harcyzska, Novoazovska, Yenakiyevo, Tel’manovo… this says a lot about the precise structuration of the party chain.

There were communists from places, located in the ATO zone (Antiterrorist Operations’ zone). They temporarily live in Donetsk, but have not halted their work. Anatoliy Hmelevoy is among them. He is currently the second secretary of CP DNR, but in the past has been the first secretary of the Slavyansk city committee of the KPU (Communist Party of Ukraine), he has been many times elected as deputy of the Verhovna Rada (unicameral parliament of Ukraine). The war with Kiev’s fascism has turned everything upside down. Anatoliy Petrovich, as opposed to his colleagues, had immediately given his support to the (ethnically) Russian Spring, to the supporters of an independent Donbass, had participated in the referendum, became an activist of the anti-shale gas movement, had dreamt that Donbass would join the Russian Federation following the Crimea scenario. But Russia, as per Hmelevoy’s assumption, is scared of the wrath of the western society and has decided against letting Donbass join its family. When Ukrainian fascists went to war against DNR, A. Hmelevoy defended his Slavyansk from within Strelkov’s detachment. “It was hot”, remembers Anatoliy Petrovich. Well, now it’s not easier, especially if you are a dedicated principled communist.

Armed pro-Russian separatists of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People's Republic pledge an oath during a ceremony in the city of Donetsk. Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko on Friday ordered a seven-day ceasefire in the fight against pro-Russian separatists, but also warned them they could face death if they did not use the time to put down their guns.  (Shamil Zhumatov/Reuters)

This was exactly the topic at the congress, which convened to discuss the emergency situation. Communists, deputies of the People’s Soviet of DNR, Boris Litvinov and Nikolay Ragozin, were present at the congress.

… At the beginning of June without charge or trial, formulated “due to loss of confidence”, the communists B. Litvinov and N. Ragozin were deprived of their deputy mandates. The Speaker of the People’s Soviet, Denis Pushilin, had insisted on it. He is also the representative of DNR at the three-sided commission at the Minsk negotiations.

“It was cynical lawlessness”, remarks B. Litvinov, “it happened in a few minutes, without charge or trial”. Besides the “loss of confidence” in Pushilin’s opinion, no complaints were presented to the communists. But 68 deputies, who entrusted themselves to Pushilin, had unanimously supported the expulsion of the communists from the parliament.

The people elected the communists to the People’s Soviet and only the people could disinherit them of their authority. This law is in power in every country. Only those who have committed a criminal offense can be deprived of their deputy mandate by the decision of the parliament. Litvinov and Ragozin had not committed any evil deed. Well, except that their opinion was often on odds with Pushilin’s position. For example, the communists refused to vote for the dismissal of Andrey Purgin from the post of Chairman of the People’s Soviet, a thing on which Pushilin insisted, and later took over the vacant place himself. The decision regarding Purgin, as Litvinov notes, “did not fit into the legal framework”. But the deputies were required to unanimously vote for the creation of a so-called casuistic content “Concerning the one-time deviation from the regulation of the People’s Soviet”. So, what for was it necessary to ‘deviate’?

So that the vice speaker would become speaker? Everyone understood that after the “one-time deviation”, deviations 2, 3, 4 would follow…

After the humiliation, Purgin did not return to the Soviet. That’s the result of derogation from the law.

In the meantime, the storm clouds thickened above the communists. On V.I. Lenin’s birthday they were prohibited from laying flowers on the leader’s monument and organising a rally; on May 1, May 9, May 11 (DNR’s Day of Independence) they were not allowed to walk under red banners, they were not given the right to speak at rallies. Of course, the communists, being tough, had put pressure and held the red banners hight above their heads. But the residents of Donbass suddenly felt, apart from the scent of gunpowder in the air, the scent of decommunization.

In the People’s Soviet, the communists came to grips with defenders of business over the bill on hard alcohol and tobacco industry. Communists were standing up for the government monopoly on alcohol and tobacco production, yet Pushilin and his supporters wanted that 50% of the production be given to the government and 50%  to private business. The second option passed. Communists spoke out against such a law. After this, Litvinov and Ragozin were expelled from the People’s Soviet, moreover they even received a warning that in DNR there should not be any parties, only the social movement Free Donbass and Donetsk Republic.DNR 1

At the meeting with Pushilin, who praised the KPRF for its aid to Donbass, we asked, how should that what happened to the communists of CP DNR and the voiced ban on the legal existence of the CP be interpreted? Pushilin referred to some sort of a ‘political background’ related to the Minsk agreements: “We have decided that we will not have any political parties, there will only be social movements that will be represented in the parliament, Free Donbass and Donetsk Republic. Donetsk Republic dominates as a socio-political power in the government. There is also a ‘left wing’ – Sergey Prokopenko, representative of SKP-KPSS (Union of Communist Parties – Communist Party of the Soviet Union), and Vladimir Bidevka from the Union of Left Forces. If the Communist Party will also exist on its own, then it will be a loss in the Minsk agreements. There [in Minsk] we are insisting that we do not have political parties and that we will have a majoritarian election system.

We, personally, received discontent from Kuchma: how so, we don’t have parties? There’s a Communist one there, which means, let there also be the Block of Petro Poroshenko, Right Sector and etc. Pushilin’s argumentation seemed to us more than questionable. First of all, all countries participating at the Minsk talks have parties, blocks and other political and social unions. Secondly, the movement Donetsk Republic (for some reasons ‘People’s’ is no longer present in this name), according to the functions it carries out seems more like a party in power, rather than just a movement. And, thirdly, the Communist Party is a consolidating force, necessary in the conditions of armed resistance and blockade of DNR. Pushilin also remarked that Moscow wishes to remove the communists… But Moscow is far, the people of Donbass close. And the achievements of the communists are indisputable both in the establishment of the republic and in rallying the people together.donetsk people soviet

In defence of DNR, the communists have made a very significant contribution. For example, there should be three deputies from the CP DNR in the People’s Soviet. Yet one of them, Vadim Yakovlevich Zaybert, commander of one of the largest compounds of the Donetsk militia, died at Debal’cevo. After his death, the Communist Party was denied the possibility to give his mandate to another communist as it is required by law. Obvious political discrimination.

“The deputies and guests of the congress discussed the recent happenings with the communists and the probable ban of CP DNR. Everyone spoke out as one in favour of struggling for the restoration of Litvinov’s and Ragozin’s deputy powers. To file a lawsuit with DNR court about the illegal deprivation of DNR communists off their parliamentary mandates. And to reject any attempt at banning the CP DNR. The communists understand why there is desire now to push them out of the limits of the republic’s political life. In front of them lies the solution of the question of ownership – private or state-owned.

Our Moscow delegation surveyed about fifty people, those with whom they socialised during their days in DNR: what type of property they prefer? All answered equivocally in support of government property. Private property makes sense for small shops, ateliers, hairdressers, canteens and cafés. Nevertheless, factories, mines, roads – the main means of transportation – should remain exclusively under state management. In the last 25 years, people have gotten tired of ‘efficient’ private owners that have mastered the forms and methods of personal enrichment. But the people, the country have degraded.

The people are for socialism, for communists and categorically against capitalism. Moreover, the same point of view was repeatedly expressed by the head of DNR, Alexandr Zaharchenko.

But in the government there are irrepressible accumulators, who given the conditions of half-warlike confusion, would like to snatch as much power and wealth as possible. It is exactly against these actors that the CP DNR is battling.

…  Alarming reports are coming from DNR’s hotspots. The suburbs of Donetsk, Gorlovka, Yasinovataya, Dokuchayevska, Sahanka village, Kominternovo, Leninskoye, Novaya Maryevka are being exposed to shelling by the Ukrainian artillery and mortars on a daily basis. In the night of July 17-18, more than 150 mines were launched at DNR’s settlements and dozens of artillery shells… There are injured, lots of destruction.

The residents of the republic don’t have an easy life. When the situation comes to a standstill, their perseverance, with which they, climbing out of their basements and temporary shelters, again and again dig into the ruins, restore their homes, labour in the fields and believe in a clear tomorrow, is admirable. The people have it hard. But they do not stop waiting and hoping for positive change and politicians’ reasonable decisions.

The main role of the communists is to turn the politicians into the channel, necessary to the people. The one, who is hastening to ‘purify’ the republic from the guiding force, raises serious doubts. It is him that we must seriously and conclusively deal with.”

 

Galina Petrova. Donetsk

 

 

Translated from: http://www.novorosinform.org/news/57623

Originally published on 23.06.2016 by the Novorossiya Informacionnoye Agentstvo.

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New Horizons of Russia’s Militarism

new horizons of russian militarism 1In April, the medias reported that as of September 1 of this year a new child organisation of the Ministry of Defence, Yunarmiya (ru: Youth Army) will start operating. This new step of Russian militarism brings to an end the era of unruly chauvinist propaganda and opens up the era, in which the systemic education of the Russian nation is conducted in the spirit of military imperialist aggression from the classroom.

For some time now, it is possible to buy a military uniform for a child. Camouflage is no longer perceived as work wear, it is now a fashion trend. Military fetishes have completely conquered the market and the consumers’ hearts. The State’s peace program implies the entire country’s conversion into barracks, where along with the mother’s milk the infant must absorb the notion of love for the ruling classes and of unity with the exploiters and must be ready to give his life for the profit of petrol barons.

If the country is becoming an army then the whole State apparatus must reconfigure itself to a war footing. The President is more and more often appearing in the guise of the Supreme Commander, whose power is absolute and does not have anything in common with the democracy play-time. ‘Public dialogue’ has no place in the barracks-country, neither do other fetishes of bourgeois parliamentarism. The veil of democratic decency should be thrown off. In the barracks-country, everyone must know the foreign and domestic enemies and hate them. Those who refuse to hate the foreign ones and, especially, the domestic ones become enemies themselves.

new horizons of russian militarism 2

Agressive militarist japan (1937)

On the world market, Russia’s defence industry is second only to the USA. It is the arms industry that allows the ruling classes of the ‘resurgent nation’ to feel like they are something big, rather than just a raw materials appendage. In the current conditions of the stagnating price of petrol, the arms industry has become a life-saver for the Russian slave-owners. The main competitive advantage of the ‘weak’ imperialist is the cruel domestic regime, which permits the mobilization of resources for the benefit of fighting for outlet markets, without having to fear revolts and disregarding the victims, which may be sacrificed at will. Perhaps, only the uncommon post-Soviet passivity of the working class under the conditions of deindustrialisation has saved Russia from an open terrorist dictatorship of the capitalists.

There is no smoke without fire: if the capitalists are saturating all social public with stuffy military spirit and are forcing the pupils to get used to military marches already in the classrooms, the bloody meat grinder of military adventures will set in motion its reliably-oiled patriotic propaganda millstones time and again. There is no power other than the power of the working class, which could resist with word and deed against the imperialists’ of all countries attempts to ignite another wildfire. The elegant shapes and brilliant new models of new military technology by their sinister look alone, jokingly pose a question to the humankind: socialisme ou barbarie, a realm of freedom or a nuclear winter…

 

 

Translated from: http://levoradikal.ru/archives/15444

Originally published on 23.05.2016 on the left-wing news platform Levoradikal.ru .

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SDK’s Transitional Program, Part I

We present our readers with the program of transitional demands of the Socialist Movement of Kazakhstan (Qazaqstannın Socialistik Qozghalısı/Socialisticheskoye Dvizheniye Kazahstana), adopted at the congress in Bishkek on Jun. 30 – Jul. 1. In the coming time, this document will be published in the form of a bilingual brochure. As of now, we present the document in Russian language for workers’ and social movements’ activists.

Kazakhstan socialist movement

 

The Programme of the Socialist Movement of Kazakhstan (Transitional)

 

More petrol and more workers’ blood!

With such a slogan it is possible to describe in one sentence both the situation and the current elite’s and the dominant castes’ methods of ruling over Kazakhstan. It is no longer possible to reach the previous levels of plunder of the nation and the unheard of exploitation of workers without murdering, arresting and repressing widely. Everything is mixed up, both petrol and blood, in the game of interests of the patriotic partisan and Komsomol leaders, who have become oligarchs and latifundists, on one hand, and of the political establishment united with the industrialists of Western countries, who support such a regime, as it provides for stable surplus profit, on the other hand. In this design Yelbası [kz: leader of the nation, Nursultan Nazarbayev’s nickname] plays a key role, the contemporary imperialism prays for him.

By publicly demonstrating his young offspring before an audience, Nazarbayev shows the elite factions, even the whole society, that he is not planning to surrender his throne on the imperious Olympus. The cult of long-life, the building of specialized medical institutes, the search for the ‘elixir of youth’; all of this clearly shows the desire of the decrepit Yelbası to remain in power and to cheat time, as well as to maintain the system that he built and the country’s neocolonial model of development.

Unstable ‘stability’

At the same moment, the main predators started lurking at the foot of the throne, after they had caught scent of the reigning old man’s weakness – the Janaozen massacre and his personal health problems –, they are hoping to start an open fight for the inheritance. They are already ready to tear the country into pieces, and only the fear of a popular rebellion as well as of the despot’s bloodlust compels them to somewhat moderate their appetites and remain near his bed, as they nurture their most detailed plans of palace coups. Now, many are trying to secretly arrange agreements with one another in order to mark the contours of the country’s future structure in the case of the ‘Great Nursultan’s’ sudden leave due to illness or the occurrence of an “accident”. Some, such as Imangali Tasmagambetov or Aslan Musin, do not even try to hide their ambitions.

Despite the founding of the new Central-Asian wonder of ‘guided democracy’, in more specific terms of a “three-handed” or, if we are to use the official language, a ‘multi-party’ Majilis [parliament], it has not provided stability for the whole system and the signs of its gradual stagnation are present. Any new political crisis of the Janaozen type, in which the enraged masses step onto the podium, has the capacity to break down the walls of the entire building in one hour. And now, Yelbası and his entourage are ruling on account of the bloody dictatorship of the police, rather than by virtue of an oligarchic parliamentarism. The current Majilis is as much a sham as the previous one. While parliamentary parties are summoned to demonstrate for the Occident the presence of progress toward ‘democracy’, in which Nur Otan [Nazarbayev’s party] represents the centre, the liberal-right-wing Ak Jol represents the party of industrialists and entrepreneurs and the Kosarev-led regal courtier-like communists – the ‘left opposition’.

Just like KNPK (Communist People’s Party of Kazakhstan), the role of the other marionettes, although already in the sphere of labour relations, impersonated by the Federation of Trade Unions of the Republic of Kazakhstan (FPK) and the Confederation of Free Trade Unions of the Republic of Kazakhstan (KSPK), is the same. It is the glossing over and maximum concealment of truth from the workers, their disorganisation, disorientation and demoralization. These ‘federations’ and ‘confederations’ serving in practice the regime and the employers, have not said a word about the upcoming amendments to the Labour Code, just as they are keeping silent regarding the awaited retirement age raise for women to 63 and for men to 68 years. The yellow union bosses do not even recall the intentions of Ak Orda [reference to Nazarbayev’s party] to introduce a 60-hour work-week, meaning to legitimise a 12-hour work-day.

Bullets instead of bread and jails instead of freedom

But this does no longer suffices and no longer functions, since Nursultan Abishevich very well understands that the masses don’t believe the words of Vladislav Kosarev [Chairman of KNPK], Siyazbek Mukashev [Chairman of FPK], Sergey Belkin [Chairman of KSPK] and the other various clowns and marionettes of the authorities. Therefore, the ‘velvet dictatorship’, which Hillary Clinton loves so much, turned into a bloody tyranny modelled upon the cruelest East Asian regimes on December 16 of last year in Janaozen. The petrol industry workers, who were on strike for almost 8 months, were intentionally executed with automatic weapons, with sniper rifles and with machine guns shooting from armoured police vehicles, the goal being to induce fear into all of the country’s workers and, especially, their fellow labourers from the petrol and mining industries.

Yet this intimidation may turn against those, who are currently trying to fill the factories, the fabrics and our cities’ boulevards with blood. In this way, the authorities are pushing the workers’ resistance underground, driving workers’ organisations and groups into illegal channels, which cannot not lead to the radicalisation of the workers’ general mood. In this case, explosions in the workplaces of the most diverse industry branches this year are simply unavoidable.

Yelbası’s friends from other countries are lauding the former First Secretary of CK KPK (Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan) for the ‘unprecedented democratisation’ of the political system, by way of admitting several parties to the parliament, and stress the ‘progressive amendments’ to the Labour Code, while rewarding our government with an offer to speed up Kazakhstan’s accession to the WTO! First of all, this is being done to receive additional preferences and benefits for their corporations, for even bigger opportunities to extract and export our country’s natural resources for a ridiculously low price, to pitilessly exploit our workers in exchange for ‘forgiveness’ of our regime’s bloody crimes. The Ak Orda understands this game and plays with the ‘weaknesses’ of European and American industrialists, while collaborating with them to draft contracts, destined to cripple the country. This is why the Occident needs more of our petrol and Nazarbayev needs more our workers’ blood! This system simply cannot function and remain in power in any other way.

For this reason 49 politically-active workers from Janaozen and Shetpe were arrested and brought before court in Aktau because they dared to pronounce against the tyranny of Chinese and domestic employers, because they encroached on the right to private property, demanding nationalisation and workers’ control. But first and foremost, because in their resolution at the demonstration in Janaozen on December 16, they wanted to call upon all of the country’s workers to enter a general strike with the demand being the resignation of the government and the president.

Under no condition could Yelbası forgive the petrol industry workers for this! The lesson to learn from this is that the workers do not have any possibilities to solve their labour disputes, aside from participating in the political struggle with the aim of eliminating such a political system that prohibits strikes, rallies, assemblies, unions and imprisons workers’ leaders. The history of the workers’ movement in Latin America during the period of right-wing dictatorships, in South Africa, Indonesia, Egypt and Tunisia shows that the workers’ movement will not remain on the sidelines in this situation and sooner or later will respond to State terror.

Part II will follow….

 

Translated from: http://socialismkz.info/?page_id=650

 

 

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